THE ASCENSION OF ULYSSES S. GRANT
It is
amazing how much a construed perception, even if with elements of truth, can
become an accepted narrative, scrutiny and reevaluation not even considered. In
the case of Ulysses S. Grant and his placement in the canon of United States
Presidents, how it happened is less surprising that it happened at all.
Throughout
the 20th century and even early in the 21st, Grant was
consistently found just above the bottom of presidential rankings, just above
Hoover and Harding. And yet, looking at the man’s last years, such a standing
would seem inconceivable. This is not only because he led the Union Army to
victory. In fact, a common and uncontested talking point I myself was thought
in history class was that the North the Civil War in spite of Grant’s
leadership. The root of such reading is not hard to see. Lee’s first mistake,
after all, was simultaneously underestimating Grant and overestimating his own
troops, but to suggest that Grant was a man unprepared and unschooled in
military science is wrong on many levels.
Rather,
Grant’s greatest esteem came before and post-presidency. Certainly, Mark Twain
thought Grant worthy of commemoration, encouraging him to chronicle his life in
his later years. The result was Personal Memoirs of Ulysses S. Grant, a
two-volume introspection published by Twain himself in July 1885. Within weeks
of the publication, Grant succumbed to throat cancer. His funeral was attended
by veterans of both the Union and Confederate armies, such was he respected as
the man who lived up to Lincoln’s vision of Reconstruction “with malice toward
none”.
And
then, in the early 20th century, Grant’s reputation suffered an
unprecedented blow. It’s true that his presidency was marred by scandal and
corruption seeing both the resignation of his personal secretary General
Orville E. Babcock, who cheated the federal government out of millions in
liquor excise taxes, in a collusion with distilleries that would come to be
known as the Whiskey Ring and the dishonorable resignation of his Secretary of
War William W. Belknap to avoid impeachment for the Indian Trading Post
Scandal. But Grant himself was never implicated in these or other
embarrassments (such as the creation of a faux railroad company intended to
inflate the cost of railway construction). If anything, his greatest failing in
these regards was his unrelenting insistence in seeing the best in people and
his deliberate blindness to the darker impulses of his associates.
It’s
possible that Grant’s legacy, with his unwavering commitment to loyalty and
honor, could have survived even this scandalous presidency had not a
renaissance for the Lost Cause of the Confederacy plagued the early decades of
the 20th century. Groups like United Daughters of the Confederacy
played no small role in defaming Grant in their overall vandalism of history,
overemphasizing his scruffy appearance, his alcoholism and turbulent years in
office.
As time
has shown, it is dangerous to underestimate the reach of such campaigns. As
Daniel L. Fountain, history professor at Meredith College, observed, “The UDC
relentlessly lobbied legislatures for public school textbooks that presented a
pro-Confederate version of regional history and successfully blacklisted other
books. By targeting the region's middle- to upper-class children, they ensured
an army of future teachers and leaders would carry forward and defend their
message for decades to come. Embedding their version of Confederate history
into the sacred spaces of Southern society (the home, cemeteries, churches,
city squares, street names, colleges and schools) made erasing it physically
difficult and personally painful."
With
the advent of film, television and ultimately the internet the influence of
such teachings extended beyond the South. This tied in with a biography of
Major General Henry Halleck, Lincoln’s Chief of Staff during the war, by
Stephen Ambrose published in 1962, who had reservations about Grant’s skill
early on but later grew to respect his approach to battle, all but ruined
Grant’s standing by the latter half of the 20th century, reducing
the hero of the Civil War as something of a failed chump in the public eye.
Undoubtedly,
increased awareness of the historical distortions of groups like the UDC is
partially responsible. Nonetheless, I became suddenly intrigued by the man who
I had learned to think of as at best an unlikely war hero. His memoirs proved
the real eye-opener in a way a self-serving autobiography could never be. The
humility and empathy present throughout the massive work is of the sort that
cannot be faked. What emerged was not the shabby drunk who unwittingly led the
troops to victory but rather a dignified humanitarian whose legacy far extends
the war.
Reconstruction
proved a battle in itself and it is hard to imagine any president would have
navigated it with ease. Nonetheless, Grant’s initiatives in the decade
following the Civil War are worthy of consideration.
Grant,
for his part, made a genuine effort to help the former Confederate states build
their way back up into the Union. This would manifest itself, however, in a way
many of the former enemy soldiers he was trying to make amends with would come
to resent. The passage of the 15th Amendment, one of Grant’s first
orders of business upon taking office in 1868, guaranteed every male citizen
the right to vote regardless of race or former status.
Indeed,
as willing as Grant was to forgive former traitors he was as quick to stomp put
any emerging threat to the Union. Born out of Southern resentment, the Klan was
the most violent stoker of lingering aggression. Spurred by the rising violence
toward Blacks and Union sympathizers, Grant established the Justice Department
in 1870. For the first few years of its existence the Department’s focus was
the eradication of the Klan. Within two years, the hooded spooks had been
annihilated.
As
Frederick Douglas observed after Grant’s death, “When red-handed violence ran
rampant through the South, and freedmen were being hunted down like wild beasts
in the night, the moral courage and fidelity of Gen. Grant transcended that of
his party.”
His
response to the escalating violence toward Native Americans during his
presidency may not hold up as well, but it must remembered that it came at a
time when calls for tribal extermination from members of Congress. As Ron
Chernow wrote in his biography of Grant, “Whatever its shortcomings, Grant’s
approach seemed to signal a remarkable advance over the ruthless methods
adopted by some earlier administrations.”
Grant
flatly stated, “A system which looks to the extinction of a race is too
horrible for a nation to adopt without entailing upon itself the wrath of all
Christendom.” His solution, transferring tribes to reservations, would bring
its own set of problems, many of which continue to this day. It is not
inconceivable, however, to believe that at the height of the Indian Wars,
reservations seemed the only way to ensure an end to the violence. He would
appoint Ely S. Parker, of the Tonawanda Seneca Nation, as his Commissioner of
Indian Affairs.
“Grant
saw absorption and assimilation as a benign, peaceful process, not one robbing
Indians of their rightful culture,” Chernow wrote. It goes without saying that
Grant’s vision was not the typical outcome, Native Americans being denied full
citizenship until almost forty years after his death. Nonetheless, Grant began
the push for extending voting rights to the First Nations.
One of
Grant’s last acts in office was the establishment of Yellowstone as the first
national park in America, a move that would give birth to modern conservation
and blossom into America’s pride, our parks and our land.
More
than anything, the legacy of Ulysses S. Grant was greatly elevated in the last
decade by two remarkable books, American Ulysses by Ronald C. White and
Ron Chernow’s Grant. Collectively, both books did more to undo the
damage done to his name by his enemies than any poll or even Grant, had his own
writings been widely rediscovered, could have done. Grant, after all, was the
first to sell himself short. In his farewell address to Congress in 1876,
Grant, humbled by the scandals that shook his presidency, said, “Mistakes have
been made, as all can see and I admit. But I leave comparisons to history,
claiming only that I have acted in every instance from a conscientious desire
to do what was right, constitutional, within the law, and for the very best
interests of the whole people. Failures have been errors of judgment, not of
intent.”
Perhaps,
historian Elliot Drago summed it up best, “History is as complicated as the men
who make it. The story of Ulysses S. Grant is no exception. For all of his
pre-war failures, Ulysses S. Grant achieved his greatest successes both by
presiding over those moments in which Americans rediscovered their founding
principles and by fighting for those moments in which Americans became
Americans once again.”


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